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[The following is our synopsis of Colin
Reader's paper, and the key reasons why we believe it may force us
to consider a pre-4th Dynasty date for the Sphinx. It is an
extended version of the commentary which will appear as an update in the
forthcoming paperback edition of Giza: The Truth]
By far the most revealing new piece of
research to come to our attention recently is that of British geological
engineer Colin Reader on the age of the Sphinx. Although his paper
Khufu Knew the Sphinx remains self-published at the time of writing,
it was immediately apparent to us that he had some new ideas which deserve
serious consideration. Unlike John Anthony West and Robert Schoch, he does
not attempt to push the age back by more than a few hundred years - in
fact only to the early dynastic period c. 2800 BC - and moreover he
does make a considerable effort to fit his revised chronology into the
proper archaeological context of Giza as a whole. Reader's paper is
relatively long and contains some complex analysis - indeed our subsequent
correspondence with him is similarly lengthy - but the essential points
can be distilled as follows.
There are two primary pieces of evidence
which Reader suggests force us to consider a pre-4th Dynasty
date for the monument, neither of which as far as we are aware have been
properly elucidated elsewhere. The first forms the basis for his
refutation of Lal Gauri's chemical weathering hypothesis which we
previously supported. He draws our attention in particular to the
distribution of weathering patterns between the western Sphinx
enclosure wall and the rump of the monument itself, indicating that
whereas there is significant widening and rounding of the vertical
joints in the enclosure wall, there is little evidence of this in the
rump. In our correspondence we pressed him hard on whether he was
comparing "like with like", and although we all accept that better
evidence of the weathering underneath the repair blocks on the rump would
improve our understanding, nevertheless it is clear that in the unrepaired
strata immediately above the blocks (referred to as "unit 3ii") there is
minimal widening and rounding of the vertical joints. In fact we
questionned whether these joints - which were originally sub-surface
geological fault lines - really did continue into the body of the monument
at all, but Reader provided us with evidence from one of Gauri's own
papers (Gauri, Geologic Study of the Sphinx, NARCE 127) that they
do. Since the strata to which we are referring are the same in both
locations, and there is only approximately 20 metres distance between the
wall and the rump, and since chemical weathering depends primarily only on
air temperature and humidity, he contends that some other weathering agent
must be responsible for the differentiated patterns observed on the
enclosure wall - and that that agent is surface water run-off. According
to him, surface water run-off is known to have been experienced at Giza
and, for example, has been cited as the cause of damage to the Third
Pyramid's valley temple.

Figure 1: The Joints in the Sphinx
Enclosure; and the Khufu & Khafre Quarries
Reader's second observation concerns the
quarry used by Khufu's builders as the main source of limestone for the
Great Pyramid. It is clear from Figure 1 that this quarry eventually
occupied virtually the entire space between the Second Pyramid and the
Sphinx enclosure - albeit that there is a suggestion that it was extended
significantly to the west during Khafre's reign. It is also clear that
once used this quarry would have been back-filled with limestone chips and
other debris from the construction process. He suggests that as soon as
this quarry was excavated, and even once it had been back-filled, it would
have all but eradicated the ability of rain water to run-off from the
previously extensive catchment area to the west of the Sphinx enclosure.
This is because, for surface run-off to occur, the rate of rainfall must
exceed the rate at which the surface and immediate sub-surface can absorb
it, and sporadic but heavy rainfall prior to the quarrying would have
quickly exceeded the ability of the original limestone bedrock to absorb
it. By contrast the rainfall would have to be far more intense to achieve
run-off over the significantly more permeable in-fill of chippings and
wind-blown sand after quarrying and back-fill had taken place; and even
then run-off would only occur if the various fills reached the original
level of the limestone across all parts of the quarry - otherwise the
run-off would be halted by the eastern quarry wall, or at least by some
form of ascent out of the dip created by the only partially back-filled
quarry. He suggests that just such a dip does form part of the post-quarry
topography.
Reader goes on to argue that his case is
strengthened by a close analysis of the north enclosure wall. He points
out that there is a significant and clear break between the weathered
surface of the bulk of this wall and the vertical and non-weathered
portion which lies at its eastern end - in fact that portion which has
been quarried immediately adjacent to the north wall of the Sphinx Temple.
He further points out that, whilst there is no doubt that the bulk of this
temple is contemporary with the carving of the Sphinx because the blocks
can be matched with the appropriate strata in the Sphinx enclosure, there
is room for doubt about the source of the blocks for the Valley Temple
(with which assertion we now agree). Whilst we have previously argued
strongly against any attempt to suggest a two-stage construction for the
Valley Temple, and continue to so do, Reader's suggestion of a two-stage
construction for the Sphinx Temple should not be lightly dismissed. He
argues that the a smaller version was constructed at the time the Sphinx
was carved, which was then extended to the north and south during the 4th
Dynasty - hence the relatively unweathered "new" enclosure wall to the
north.
To complete his analysis, he suggests that a
portion of the Second Pyramid's mortuary temple may also have been
originally constructed along with the Sphinx and Sphinx Temple, only to be
extended later, and that the two proto-temples formed the eastern and
western elements of a complex clearly designed in early or even
pre-Dynastic times as part of a solar cult. This would explain why it was
Khaf-re, not Khufu, who extended these existing structures and
incorporated them into his pyramid complex - as part of the reemergence of
the solar cult. He backs up his assertions by listing a number of pieces
of published archaeological evidence for activity at Giza from as early as
the late pre-Dynastic period.
Although we are by necessity significantly
abbreviating Reader's analysis, this is the nub thereof, and we find it at
worst stimulating and at best downright persuasive. We await further
research by him, and indeed feedback from others who may be able to spot
weaknesses in his arguments which we have not. However at present we have
really only one "bone of contention" left with him, and it concerns the
Sphinx's face. We have indicated previously that we feel there is indeed a
significant likeness between this and the statue of Khafre housed in the
Cairo Museum, and Reader is inclined to agree with our analysis. He had
already concluded that the Sphinx was originally carved probably with a
lion's head, and then recarved in the 4th Dynasty, possibly by
Khafre, on the basis of two pieces of evidence. First, the
disproportionately small size of the head of the monument in relation to
its body; and second, the extent of preservation of the details on the
head, which - albeit that it is carved from more durable Member III
limestones - he feels is because in its recarved form it had hardly any
time to be exposed to the harshest chemical weathering which occurred
during the wettest climatic conditions pre-2350 BC (remember that chemical
weathering is itself at its most aggressive in conditions of high humidity
- he applies the same logic to the relatively unweathered enclosure wall
to the north of the Sphinx Temple). Reader backs up this assertion by
suggesting that a number of recumbent lion statues have been found dating
at least as far back as the First Dynasty.
Our argument with him in this area can be
split into two parts: First, we should revisit our own assertion that
there is indeed a strong resemblance between the face of the Sphinx and
Khafre's statue. After all, if this is false, then there is no need to
suggest that the Sphinx's face was recarved. Indeed although, like Reader,
West and Schoch both believe that the head probably has been
recarved because of its relative size, which makes their insistence that
there is no resemblance somewhat confusing, they have accused us publicly
of "short-changing" Frank Domingo's forensic reconstruction work. In fact
we pulled our punches somewhat, because we had reproduced his
reconstructions and found that, if the Sphinx's face is tilted forwards so
that it presents a similar profile angle to that of the statue, the
profile of the eyes, nose and lips is remarkably consistent, even if their
relative positions do not match exactly. We did not include these
reproductions in our book lest we be accused of manipulation of the
evidence - and frankly we already thought our case strong enough. But in
the light of Reader's new research and West and Schoch's accusations, they
are now shown in Figure 2.

Figure 2: Reconstructed Face of the Sphinx Compared with
that of Khafre
(After Domingo in West, Serpent in the
Sky, Appendix II, pp. 230-1)
Readers will decide for themselves the
extent to which this comparison supports our contention that the faces are
one and the same, and whether or not our simple tilting of one profile
constitutes manipulation of the evidence. Those that are happy with our
assertions will, like us, ponder the likelihood of the monument's face
having been recarved by Khafre. Despite the relative size of the
head, to us this explanation just does not "feel" right. Let our critics
attack us for the lack of scientific method in such a statement, but it is
our best judgement. Accordingly, the age of the Sphinx remains, in our
view, an open question.
Although we now accept that there may be
reason to question Gauri's chemical weathering hypothesis, Reader's
redating is significantly less than that proposed by Schoch, let alone
that of West, and involves pushing the age back by no more than 300 or so
years. This is based primarily on respect for the archaeological context,
and as a result requires assumptions about the ability of the heavier
rainfall pre-2350 BC, and especially pre-Khufu, to effect sufficient
weathering. In our view this is a more reasonable approach than Schoch's
use of seismic surveys to suggest a much older date (for our critique
thereof see Giza: The Truth, Chapter 7, pp. 324-7), while West's
attempts to push the date back even farther have no contextual or logical
grounding other than the readings of Edgar Cayce and Bauval's astronomical
"lock" on 10,500 BC. |